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Global Value Chains

On fishing and dynamite in Mtwara, Tanzania

12 April 2018

By Rasul Ahmed Minja as part of the NEPSUS Series

When I joined the NEPSUS team of researchers in 2016, all with different academic and rich research backgrounds, I couldn’t hide my excitement and shared the news with a close workmate. The excitement further grew when I learnt that I would be part of a research work package on coastal resources, whose members would be conducting field research in Mtwara region, Tanzania. My joy at the prospect of conducting fieldwork in Mtwara was triggered by two basic factors. First, I had never been to Mtwara before; and second, I had heard from colleagues that the region was changing fast, offering an exciting prospect for a researcher.

The discovery of gas at Mnazi Bay, a planned expansion of the Mtwara port and the commissioning of the Dangote cement plant, had all been tipped to trigger economic growth in the region. Suddenly, the number of local flights to Mtwara increased, several lodges and guest houses mushroomed and the ‘hustle and bustle’ of Mtwara town became more noticeable. When our team paid the first field visit to Mtwara in February 2017, President John Pombe Magufuli care through town to inaugurate projects and speak in public. Presidential visits to the regions always attract large entourages and many visitors from nearby regions. Therefore, finding relatively affordable accommodation was challenging, but we eventually succeeded. During our second and third visits (in August 2017 and March 2018), however, we managed to find cheap and comfortable accommodation without any problem.

The Fieldwork Experience

Generally, and as expected, we met honest and welcoming residents. Having introduced ourselves as staff members of the University of Dar es Salaam, a prestigious and flagship higher learning institution in the country, we received great support from local residents. One of my other discovered excitement while in Mtwara has always been the easiness with which one can move around town. My most favorite mode of transport when not with the rest of the team is riding BodaBodas (motorbikes) and Bajaji (motorized tricycles). They are relatively cheap and since there is no heavy traffic in Mtwara town, moving from one location to another is relatively easy and fast. This relieve me of the usual headache one gets trying to negotiate the notorious traffic jams of Dar es Salaam. In fact, I never saw a single taxi during my stay in Mtwara. This was a startling finding to me!

Our team’s main research focus is on sustainability partnerships in coastal resources, mainly fish, corals and mangroves. We gathered data through key informant interviews, focus group discussions and field observation. A separate team collected data for a survey using the sophisticated Open Data Kit (ODK) software.

NEPSUS researchers posing for a group photo with some participants of FGD.
Posing for a photo with FGD participants
Observing a fish pond
At a fish auction

Crackdown on Illegal Fishing Practices in Mtwara

As recently as 2015, Mtwara region was named as one of the 16 mainland coastal districts and municipalities practicing blast (dynamite) fishing, and one of the top four hotspots (see “Can Dynamite Fishing Be Stopped in Tanzania?” The Citizen, Tuesday October, 2015). Dynamite fishing is one of the illegal fishing practices identified in Tanzania’s legal instruments guiding the fisheries sector. About nine pieces of legislation contain provisions and penalties applicable to the use of explosives, including dynamite to conduct fishing activities. Besides the use of dynamite as a way of killing fish, other illegal fishing practices include the use of illegal gear, such as under size mesh, monofilament nets, beach seines and other destructive gears.

Legal fishing gear used Mtwara

Key enabling factors for dynamite fishing are the “easy availability of cheap materials for making explosive devises, wealthy ‘god fathers’ who finance the operation and market the fish, lack of local marine resource ‘ownership’ i.e. in-operational BMUs [Beach Management Units], ineffective law-enforcement at the district level as a result of corruption of local magistrates and a lack of perception as to the seriousness of the crime, and lack of political will at all levels” (see Multi-Stakeholder Consultation for Anti-Dynamite Fishing Campaign Tanzania, April 2014, p. 4. www.cmsdata.iucn.org).

In the past, and particularly between 1999 and 2003, there were several initiatives by communities, government and donor-funded projects to curb the use of explosives. One of the initiatives which managed to at least reduce incidents of dynamite fishing was the Finnish government-funded project known as Rural Integrated Project Support (RIPS) Mtwara. Working closely with a local community-based umbrella organization (SHIRIKISHO) and local communities, RIPS set up a community based monitoring scheme which recorded significant success in curbing blast fishing. However, this achievement was short-lived. Reasons for unsustainability of initiatives similar to RIPS are multiple and well-documented: the weakening of collaborative efforts between the central government and local communities; too much reliance on donor funding, to the extent that projects close down or lose their initial impetus when donors leave or shift their focus to other sectors; and insufficient monitoring, control and surveillance of fishing activities (see “Regional Assessment of Fisheries Issues, Challenges and Opportunities for Eastern Africa Region: Towards the formulation of the policy framework and reform strategy for fisheries and aquaculture in Africa, a report submitted to the African Union – Inter African Bureau for Animal Resources (AU-IBAR), December 2012, www.au-ibar.org/…/1925-regional-assessment-of-fisheries-issues-c…).

Dynamite fishing resurfaced with such intensity that it alerted the authorities at the national level. On 7th September 2016, the Vice President of the United Republic of Tanzania, Samia Suluhu Hassan, announced that the central government would send a special force (Kikosi Maalum) that would be deployed to curb illegal fishing (see “Kikosi cha Kudhibiti Uvuvi Haramu Kutumwa Mtwara”).

Vice President Samia Suluhu Hassan talking to Mtwara residents

The Need for Review of the Fisheries Legislation

For a national campaign on blast fishing to achieve the desired outcome, which is to put an end to this destructive fishing practice, the long-awaited review of the national fisheries legislation cannot be over-emphasized. The imperative to review the Fisheries Act No. 22 of 2003 and its regulations which were enacted in 2009, was meted out way back in 2015 at a seminar organized by the National Environmental Management Council (NEMC) in Mtwara. Since then the Minister responsible for agriculture, livestock and fisheries development, Dr. Charles Tizeba, has repeatedly reiterated the urgency to make amendments of the Act in December 2016 (see “Minister orders arrest of criminals engaged in dynamite fishing”, DailyNews.co.tz, 20 December 2016), and again in March 2017 (see “Serikali kubadili sheria ya uvuvi” Mwananchi, Jumanne, 21 March 2017).

The impending review of the fisheries legislation is prompted by the need to adopt much stricter provisions on illegal fishing practices (not only blast fishing) by issuing significant penalties to culprits. According to the Minister, the government mulls penalties to be raised from the current 200,000 Tanzanian shillings to 5 million shillings, which should be imposed on offenders along with a six-month jail sentence. More interestingly, the Minister mooted the government interest to treat people convicted of illegal fishing practices as ‘economic saboteurs’, an offence that does not allow a suspect to be given bail in Tanzania.

Stamping out blast fishing is no longer business as usual

When our team arrived in Mtwara in March 2017, we learnt that in one of the villages we were researching a major crackdown to curb illegal fishing had just been carried out by the district authority, led by the District Commissioner. The DC minced no words in a public rally in that village when he announced the operation and ordered 31 individuals whom he deemed to be the ‘ring-leaders’ to surrender themselves and their banned fishing gear (see “Mkuu wa Wilaya alia na uvuvi haramu Mtwara”, MCL Digital, https://www.youtube.com).

Was there sufficient employment of a collaborative approach between the district authorities and local communities in carrying out the clampdown on dynamite fishing in Mtwara? More importantly, will the current success story be sustained? These are some of the issues to ponder, as another study that looked into fishers’ perceptions on the recurrence of dynamite fishing practices reported that ‘the views of almost 60% of key informants made it clear that as long as fishers feel criminalized and left behind in management and development plans, any efforts to persuade them to support a reduction of dynamite fishing are likely to encounter significant opposition and little commitment from community members’ (see Robert E. Katikiro and Jairos J. Mahenge, 2016. “Fishers’ Perceptions of the Recurrence of Dynamite Fishing Practices on the Coast of Tanzania”, Frontiers in Marine Science, Volume 3, Article 233, p.8).

Observed in recent years is a renewed hope and vigour to abolish dynamite fishing owing to an ongoing robust national campaign. This campaign has enlisted the support of various stakeholders, institutions and agencies, ranging from local communities, marine conservationists (such as the Tanzania Dynamite Fishing Monitoring Network), fisheries division, to the police and navy. A multi-stakeholder approach to this long-standing problem is a welcome move. Involvement of relevant parties brings to the table their various experiences which can be useful in charting out how best to tackle the problem. Cognizant of the benefits of employing a multi-pronged approach to blast fishing, the government set up a Multi-Agency Task Team (MATT) in June 2015. MATT, which is led by the police, is also composed of members from the Fisheries Division, Tanzania Forest Services, the Wildlife Division, Tanzania Intelligence and Security Services, and the Attorney General Chambers’ office. Besides focusing on fisheries governance management, monitoring and surveillance, MATT traces financiers and suppliers of dynamites. This is a much incisive approach that does not just end with the arrest of dynamiters. Apart from being motivated by availability of detonation materials, the lucrative short-term profits tend to lure blast fishers. It was once reported in 2009 that one blast could result to a fish catch of up to 150-400kgs, thus leading to earnings of between US $ 400 and $ 1800 market price (see S. Wells, “Dynamite fishing in northern Tanzania: pervasive, problematic and yet preventable”, Marine Pollution Bulleting, 58, no.1 (2009): 20-23).

Other initiatives which have been undertaken, and in my view ought to be sustained for the long-term success of the national crackdown on blast fishing, include awareness campaigns on ecological, economic, environmental and social impacts of dynamite fishing. Local communities need to be made aware of the association between blast fishing, coral reef destruction, low fish catch records and deteriorating livelihood conditions. The media is a useful tool in this case. Recent footage of destruction of illegal nets in public view has gone a long way to send a powerful message that authorities have now adopted a zero tolerance policy and there is noticeable political will to end this menace to marine resources and coastal livelihoods. Indeed, ‘the fight against blast fishing is no longer business as usua’ as stated by the Deputy Commissioner of Police (DCP), Daniel Nyambabe, at the two-day seminar in Mtwara in November 2015 (see Lucas Liganga, “Tanzania sets strategy to end chronic blast fishing”, The Citizen, November 29, 2015).

Already, authorities and local fishers have started to appreciate current efforts to end blast fishing. In 2015, the then Mtwara Urban District Commissioner, Fatma Salim Ally, noted that blast fishing was the norm of the day in 19 villages along the coast(see Lucas Liganga, “Tanzania sets strategy to end chronic blast fishing”, The Citizen, November 29, 2015). Two years later, some fishers in the Mtwara Mikindani municipality hailed the crackdown on blast fishing as they began to see increased fish catch (see channelten.co.tz, Youtube footage, April 21, 2017).

With political will both at the national and local levels, a visible zero tolerance policy with all stakeholders, amendments of the Fisheries Act, continuous awareness raising campaigns on dynamite fishing laws and destructive effects of illegal fishing practices as well as close cooperation between all the relevant agencies, we have ample reasons to sound optimistic that dynamite fishing will be made history, not only in Mtwara but in the whole country. Authorities have to ensure that there is no laxity in stamping out dynamite fishing, and in particular, see to it that dynamite fishers are no longer let scot-free after being netted with vivid evidence.

A simple way to sum up my fieldwork experience in Mtwara thus far is that it has been a balancing act between being a curious researcher in a fast-changing location, observing problematic issues and pondering on possible solutions, and enjoying my time as a first time visitor to a blossoming town. Mtwara, here I come again!

Conservation Partnerships in a Warzone

12 January 2018

By Christine Noe as part of the NEPSUS Series

Battling in the Rufiji Delta goes back to colonial times, when German cruiser SMS Königsberg and a group of British warships fought in the area during the First World War. The British ships were more powerful, but were unable to navigate the delta to open fire on the Königsberg and her supply ship Somali. Königsberg had also been covered by many green flags that looked exactly like the forest around the delta. The battle went on from October 1914 until March 1915 – by then, food supplies on the Königsberg had run low, and many crewmembers had died from malaria and other tropical diseases. The story goes that a captured British merchant ship called Rubens was given a Danish flag and German sailors who spoke Danish were selected to cruise out of the delta. While loaded with coal, field guns, ammunition, fresh water and supplies and navigating through the waters of East Africa, another British battleship HMS Hyacinth intercepted and set Rubens on fire (source).

This tale of the Rufiji delta reminds us of its wealth of forest and wildlife resources, which attracted local and Middle East traders even prior to the arrival of the German Company for Colonization (DOAG) in 1884. These traders had established contacts with professional hunters and timber trading companies from Europe, America and India who organized caravans to exchange clothes, beads, wire, guns and powder for copal, ivory, timber and rubber. Rufiji was a strategic location for commercial purposes on the Indian ocean coast. No wonder the Germans established their first hunting reserves at Muhoro and Kisaki area in 1912 to increase control of these resources. The two reserves were then merged in 1922 to create the Selous Sanctuary, which was later enlarged to become the world’s largest game reserve of the contemporary time.

Identifying the target? NEPSUS researchers at work under the supervision of Matambwe sector manager in Selous game reserve

Access restrictions for local and commercial exploitations unintendedly triggered illegal connections that still sustain poaching today. The Selous ecosystem is still recognized internationally as an important source of ivory and, by implication, is one of the most significant poaching hotspots in Africa (WWF, 2016). Elephant numbers dropped from 70,000 in 2006 to 13,084 in 2013. Many international conservation NGOs report that the population of this charismatic and key species could disappear within six years if urgent measures are not taken against industrial-scale poaching. In 2014, the reserve was downgraded by UNESCO and listed in the World Heritage Properties in Danger, following the severity of elephant poaching – in addition to the ongoing uranium, oil and gas explorations inside the reserve.

Elsewhere in the vicinity of the reserve, illegal access to wildlife and forests by the surrounding villages (or through their assistance) continuo to supply timber and ivory into different distant markets. In fact, Rufiji (and its neighboring Kibiti and Ikwiriri towns) turned into a battlefield in 2016 up until mid-2017 following what is locally interpreted as reactions to the government’s strict rules for access to natural resources. The local media zoomed into the area in the past two years hence confirming that there has been an emergence of a highly trained local militia that operated from the forests. Although the media does not make a direct link with poaching, the militia is said to be reacting to the continued restrictions on access and rights to natural resources. By mid-2017, the militia had executed 32 people, including 11 police officers and village leaders (The Citizen, 24th May 2017). This led to President Magufuli to deploy the People’s Deference Force since March 2017.

Within the borders of the Selous game reserve, the government of Tanzania has been implementing directives set by different development and conservation partners on what needs to be done to protect elephants and retain the reserve in the list of world heritage sites. At its 36th session (on 24 June – 6 July 2012 in Saint Petersburg, Russian) and 37th sessions (on 16 – 27 June 2013 in Phnom Penh, Cambodia), UNESCO’s World Heritage Commission decided to monitor the Selous reserve by setting conditions that the government of Tanzania must fulfill. These include: first, the formulation of a National Strategy to Combat Poaching and Illegal Wildlife Trade (launched in 2014); and second, the establishment of the Tanzania Wildlife Authority (TAWA) to address land use conflicts affecting wildlife outside protected areas, as well as to undertake law enforcement and curb the illegal offtake of wildlife resources (launched in 2016).

War against poaching is neither new nor is it restricted to Tanzania. What is new and important is that threats to wildlife have increased at the time when wildlife protection partnerships have also increased in number, type and complexity – stirring new research interest in them, including the NEPSUS research programme. Selous is a particularly interesting site for understanding the dynamics of conservation partnerships because of its history as a warzone – as contemporary efforts call upon different kinds of support for warfare facilities, technologies and intelligence. Military techniques, such as improved ground and aerial surveillance, led to the creation of new assemblages of local agents, international financial institutions and expatriates from all over the world.

Ground surveillance

TAWA has deployed new ways of improving ground surveillance, including military training of game officers and rangers, who receive formal army ranks. As illustrated below, the ‘natural resource army’ (Jeshi Usu la Maliasili in Kiswahili) is ready for work and will operate under the Tanzania People’s Deference Force. There will be a unified chain of command and order giving it full authority to punish, sue and handle crimes – including ‘shoot to kill’ the poachers.

Minister for Natural Resources and Tourism, Dr. Hamis Kigwangala inspects the newly trained natural resource army also in new TAWA uniforms

At the same time, in villages surrounding the Selous reserve, community-based conservation efforts have facilitated the training of Village Game Scouts (VGS) on effective control of illegal utilization of wildlife, including training on the use of arms and ammunition. These training sessions take place at the Community-Based Conservation Training Centre (CBCTC) in Likuyu village in southern Selous, which was established in 1995 specifically for this purpose. Upon being instructed and equipped, VGS are supposed to conduct patrols that lead to arresting poachers and confiscating their arms and ammunition. This has led to the creation of a large conservation army in local communities.

The local VEO poses for a photo with the dead hyena
VGS sharing the story of searching for a man-eating hyena in Ngarambe village

Recently, the Ministry also approved the use of ‘community intelligence’ as a form of partnership, with a budget set aside to facilitate what is locally understood as the work of ‘askari vidole’ (also known as ‘wakushoto’ or ‘wasiri’ depending on the location). These are not necessarily trained, and any villager who accepts the risk of being an informer for game rangers can carry out the task. While VGS protect wildlife against fellow villagers and outside poachers, askari vidole spy and report on anyone, including VGS. This creates tensions, as these informers get paid to facilitate arrests. Most of those arrested are actually people who are supposed to carry out wildlife protection, including the village leaders and VGS.

Aerial surveillance

Recently, WWF prepared a ‘roadmap to zero poaching in Selous’, which involves aerial surveillance through drones (Unmanned Aerial Vehicles, UAVs). This requires new thinking and forms of cooperation between many different partners. 18 drones have been donated for the protection of Tanzania elephants. Smartplane-Sweden is responsible for training drone pilots, while WWF and the PAMS Foundation have focussed on training VGS who are based in the Wildlife Management Areas around the reserve and in wildlife corridors. WWF will also equip game rangers with the necessary gear and place collars on elephants with radio tracking devices providing real-time location data to rangers.

WWF and Tanzanian wildlife officers in the launch of drones (http://smartplanes.com)

Although drones have been criticised for possible negative social implications, they are in line with a new focus on intelligence-based anti-poaching efforts and are complementary with the deployment of on-ground rangers and heavy equipment. WWF is also partnering with the Frankfurt Zoological Society (FZS), Tanzanian Wildlife Authority (TAWA) and Selous Management to ensure that skilled people, geo-referenced maps, stand-by vehicles and financial backing are available in the war against poaching.

[We are) using a small helicopter to chase a group of hungry elephants off a farm and into the park, all before angry farmers kill the animals, raptors attack the helicopter, or the chopper’s fuel runs out. It might sound like fun but for conservationists in Tanzania, this isn’t just a game [but war]

(Source: Goldbaum, C. 2015, Watch how drones keep elephants away from danger in Tanzania. Quartz Africa, 18 July. https://www.worldwildlife.org/projects/road-map-to-zero-poaching-in-selous accessed in November 11, 2017)

Is the use of this technology in conservation evidence of the failure of community-based conservation as a form of partnership? Are we witnessing a paradigm shift from bottom-up conservation back to top-down efforts? Is Rufiji again becoming an important war site? Current research carried out by the NEPSUS project will examine this apparent return to conservation militarization and its consequences.

Sources

Crabtree, W. 1914. German colonies in Africa. Journal of the Royal African Society, 14, 1-14.

Environmental Investigation Agency (2014): Vanishing point: criminality, corruption and the devastation of Tanzania’s elephants. London

Gißibl, B. 2006. German colonialism and the beginning of international wildlife preservation in Africa. GHI Bulletin, 3, 121-142.

Mamdani, M., 2003. Making sense of political violence in postcolonial Africa. In War And Peace In The 20th Century And Beyond (pp. 71-99).

Tomolya, J. and White, L.D., 2015. Complex conflict dynamics in Mali. Terrorist Threats in North Africa from a NATO Perspective, 124, p.40.

WWF, 2016. Saving Selous. WWF, Gland

WWF, 2017. Towards zero poaching: WWF TCO trains drones handlers to help in protection of Tanzania’s Game Reserves.

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